## 23

## AFTER OCCUPATION

April 22, 2003

> Speaking at a ceremony marking the anniversary of the revered Imam Hussein’s death,1 Nasrallah lays out his case for why the US’s apparent triumph in Iraq, two weeks after the fall of Baghdad, in fact signaled “the beginning of the end of the American age in Iraq and the region.” Exhorting the faithful to “closely observe what the Americans do, [and] not what they say,” especially in regard to the emboldened voices in Washington then calling for another regime change in Damascus, Nasrallah asserts that the fall of Saddam Hussein was to be expected, since his was an oppressive regime faced by a superior military power. “What can really protect a regime,” he adds, “are its own people and its own citizens if they had been treated well by it; if it oppresses them, none of its rallying speeches will do it any good.”

> Ignoring any discussion of whether Syria itself was guilty of being an oppressive regime, and therefore potentially susceptible to another US-led military effort to “spread democracy” in the Middle East, Nasrallah “admits” that “the American occupation is more astute than the tyrannical regime, for it will soon tell the Muslims, ‘You can practice your religion freely and without any obstacles.’ This is why some of us should not fall for that, and say, ‘It is now better than before.’” All Muslims and Arabs, he adds, “are now facing real occupation and real hegemony that tells us, ‘You can do whatever you want on condition that you do not claim ownership of your oil and your national wealth.’”

> Although several of Nasrallah’s predictions about Iraq, as well as US efforts generally in the region, would later materialize to varying degrees, his initial confidence that sectarian conflict between Shiites and Sunnis would be avoided proved sadly in error. Indeed, the increasing bloodshed in Iraq between the two main branches of Islam would serve as a focal point for Nasrallah’s bitter anger towards the US, who, it was soon claimed, intentionally fomented sectarian conflict to its advantage.

In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate,

(…) Tomorrow there will be another scenario which the Muslims, and the Arab and Islamic worlds, can examine closely and [of which they can] read the headlines and content. They will be able to see the future through Muslim eyes, and not through the eyes of an America that only seeks our defeat, collapse, and weakness to place us in front of a fait accompli of surrender.

Tomorrow will be similar to what happened in Lebanon on the first of Ashoura after the Israeli invasion of 1982, when many in Lebanon and throughout the world said after the Zionists’ invasion of Lebanon, “Lebanon has now entered the Israeli age and will never emerge from it.” A few months later, and again on “Ashoura” Day, the beginning of the end of the Israeli age was officially announced from Nabatiye.2

Tomorrow, those who can read should read and search for the truth in the eyes of the millions gathered in Karbala.3 This truth will say that the fortieth anniversary of Imam al-Hussein’s death (God rest his soul) will mark the beginning of the end of the American age in Iraq and the region—a fact that the next few years will confirm.

(…) We have successfully avoided two potential dangers:

First, Bush’s Zionist administration was planning to turn the American war on Iraq into a Christian–Muslim war, in order to subsume all areas, energies, countries, and Christian institutions into a war that he said carried objectives from the Bible! This danger has been avoided thanks to the positions adopted by the Vatican, the patriarchs, and various churches, as well as by Islamic religious authorities and nationalist governments, movements, and political parties.4

Second, the fomenting of sectarian sedition among Muslims—between Sunni and Shia. The American administration tried to portray its invasion of Iraq as a war for the liberation of Iraq and its people, especially the Iraqi Shia. The US took maximum advantage of voices raised through the media to present a picture to the world saying that the Shiites in Iraq and the world support this war in order to get rid of Saddam Hussein’s regime. They took advantage of this angle in order to create a climate of hate among the Muslims, and sow the seeds of sectarian sedition between Shiites and Sunnis. This danger has also been avoided thanks to the positions adopted by major Shiite religious authorities, the main Islamic Shiite movements, and by the Iraqi people themselves, especially in the south of the country. On the other hand, we can also say that the various honest and truthful voices of Sunni Islamic scholars, Sunni movements, and popular and nationalist parties throughout the nation, have helped avoid this potential danger.

We are currently facing a number of catastrophic outcomes. There is the occupation of Iraq, American and Israeli arrogance, depression among many in this nation, the potential for more tension among Arab countries, and divisions among the people regarding what has taken place and will take place. We are also facing a new wave of American and Israeli threats against the nation and against countries of this region, in particular against Syria, Iran, Lebanon, and resistance movements in Palestine and Lebanon. This is the new reality we are facing today.

Given this situation, we should bear in mind a number of essential points:

First, in view of what is happening now, the first thing we should be careful about in Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine, and throughout the nation, is not to fall prey to American slogans and claims. We should closely observe what the Americans do, not what they say. Those who speak about liberation, freedom, democracy, reconstruction, Iraqis ruling themselves, and Iraqi oil for the Iraqis, talk beautiful words; but it is rather to their actions that we should be paying attention. All that they do tells us that not a single word they say or claim they make is true.

When we see what is happening, we realize that, although the occupation and the war have indeed put an end to one particular Iraqi nightmare, instead of the liberation of their country Iraqis are now waking up to another nightmare, in the form of the American occupation.

George Bush says that regimes and governments should learn a lesson from what has happened; and we say, yes, we should all learn a lesson—so should the regimes in power in the Arab and Islamic countries. The lesson to be learned is that the army and security services can protect any oppressive regime, but that the army and security services of any oppressive regime will not be able to protect it if confronted by a stronger military force. What can really protect a regime are its own people and its own citizens, if they are well treated by it; if it oppresses them, none of its rallying speeches will do it any good. This is the lesson we need to learn from what is now taking place in Iraq. A country ruled by a tyrannical and oppressive regime has no future if confronted by an invading force stronger than the one it relies on for its protection.

We are confronting a new American scheme, a plan of occupation of unknown duration. The Americans are looking to establish permanent military bases—this means that we are facing not only occupation, but a further consolidation of the US presence. The political future of the regime in Iraq is also unclear. On what basis will it be established? All these issues will be clarified, but they should be closely watched, because they are laying the foundations for the future, for new political maps of the region, and for political regimes; this is therefore not only an Iraqi issue.

On the other hand, the Iraqi people have rid themselves of one nightmare, but are now facing another. We have to admit that the American occupation is more astute than Saddam’s regime, for it will tell Muslims: “You can practice your religion freely and without any obstacles.” This is why some of us should not fall for this, and think that things are now better than before. Now we face real occupation and real hegemony that tells us: “You can do whatever you want on condition that you do not claim ownership of your oil and your national wealth.” The Iraqi people today are facing a great challenge; today, we too should respect this people’s feelings and choices. There is consensus in Iraq behind the rejection of the occupation and the refusal to cooperate with the occupation forces. Not a single religious authority in Iraq, especially in holy Najaf, is ready to provide the occupation with cover or cooperate with it.5 This people will undoubtedly confront the occupation, but the means, style, time, and place should be left up to them. The popular options facing the Iraqi people are evident to the whole world.

The question that begs itself here is: Can we count on the Iraqi people to liberate their soil? We can say—not based on emotional reasons or out of friendship, but based on our knowledge and experience—yes, this is a people we can count on. We add our voice to all religious authorities in Iraq, and all Islamic and nationalist parties in the Arab and Islamic worlds, in calling for unity among Iraqis of all ethnicities and sects, and in stressing that the fear of sedition between Sunnis and Shiites, propagated in the media, is nothing but a bunch of lies and tricks.

(…) Today, Syria is subjected to enormous pressure, and threatened with sanctions and an economic embargo.6 From experience, and based on our knowledge of Syria’s leadership and people, we believe that this fortress has become used to these pressures and has the necessary courage, commitment, principles, and wisdom to deal with many of them, and overcome this phase for the sake of Palestine, Syria, and Lebanon. We should be prepared to come to Syria’s defense at any time and place, and be ready for battle, because this is everybody’s battle, and this position here is everyone’s position. We view the threats against Syria as threats against Lebanon, Palestine, and the elements of strength and hope on which we pin those hopes.

As for the various adjectives America uses to describe Lebanon, and its claim that Syrian forces in Lebanon are occupation forces, I say that this is none of America’s business. This is the nature of the treachery and exaggeration of those who occupy and pilfer Iraq.